“Once you get the morality right there is no need for politics” is an aphorism generally credited to Karl Marx. Once everyone agrees on how we ought to live, then the only thing left to debate is how best to make sure that it happens. In this context, therefore, politics is the fight over how we ought to live, not how we should achieve the end upon which everyone agrees. This also means that the point of politics is to settle the question, once and for all, as to how we ought to live.
Within the radical framework, this makes sense, but within the framework of reality the opposite has been true. For example, in the West, economic policy has been settled, despite any agreement on how we ought to organize our economies. There is plenty of emotive language about pleasing Gaia, racial equity, and other moral claims, but economic policy follows a corporatist path. The economy is run by technocrats in partnership with corporate interests.
Notice at the American political conventions that there is little talk about things like spending, debt, or the general health of the economy. When was the last time a major politician talked about the debt problem? The best you get is some back and forth on inflation or energy prices. There is never any discussion about what is the morally right goal for economic policy. It is not that the issue has been settled, but that no one thinks it is appropriate to discuss it at all.
You see the same with immigration. Everyone agrees that illegal immigration is bad, not because it is immoral, but because it violates the rules of technocracy. We know this because it has the word “illegal” in its name. It is why conservatives want to make all immigration legal. That way, it does not violate the rules. It also pleases the technocrats who manage the economy. It is also why no one asks if any immigration is moral, as such questions are forbidden.
Contrary to what Marx and most radicals believed, the order of settling has not been to first get the morality right and then sort the details. The order of things has been to first create a complex bureaucracy around the issue so that it is impossible to ever talk about the morality of the issue at all. The great trick of managerialism is that it produces a self-referential morality for everything. The answer to what we ought to do is whatever the managers are doing at the moment.
This is why our politics are content free. The Democrats are putting on their show this week, at which they are introducing their “leaders” and platform. They have dancing bears, bearded ladies and all the other things you see at a circus, but the one thing missing is anything resembling policy. Speaker after speaker promises to boo at the bad things and cheer at the good things. It is a litany of emotive jibber-jabber that is so devoid of content it makes Finnegan’s Wake seem pithy.
The sterility of our political rhetoric is often masked by the emotive preening, but once you get past the pointless emotionalism you find nothing but white space. Note that no one ever provides a detailed answer for why they hate Trump. They hate Trump because he is bad or likes bad things, but why do they think he is bad and what is bad about the things he likes? No one knows. What they do know is Trump is bad and therefore his voters are bad. Boo Trump! Boo MAGA!
That gets to why they hate Trump. For good or ill, Trump represents the fundamental question of politics. That is, how should we live? Once you start thinking about how we ought to live, you then must confront the central question at the heart of every human organization and that is, who are we? This terrifies the managerial class who prefer to operate like a miasma that is just accepted as a default. It also terrifies the oligarchs who sit atop our society as an alien ruling class.
It has become popular in certain circles to quote Stafford Beer, who said, “The point of a system is what it does.” The point of managerialism is to smother the basic realities of human organization in mountains of technocracy so that there is no room to ask, “who are we” and “how should we live?” The trouble is, no society can live at all without answering those basic questions. The current crisis lies in the conflict between managerialism and the fundamental reality of human society.
This conflict provides the energy to this strange dialectic in which each turn of the election wheel results in more bizarre options. The arc of our presidential candidates since the end of the Cold War has led to Kamala Harris. Regardless of how you feel about Trump, he should not be leading a global superpower, but he is now the sober-minded option in national politics. In eight years, he went from the outlandish option to the safe option, simply by waiting for the next turn of the wheel.
In all seriousness, if Kamala Harris is the best the system can produce, then it is perfectly reasonable to think that what lies ahead is something worse. How far are we from having a block of wood at the top of the ticket? If we can be made to pretend that biology does not exist, we can be made to believe an inanimate object is the best choice to lead the government. It sounds ridiculous, but the current president is a vegetable and his handpicked replacement is day-drinking prostitute.
In the end, those questions at the heart of every human society are immutable, so they will need to be answered. The answers will have to be reflected in the elites of our society who eventually rule our society. It is unlikely that the answer to “who are we?” is going to be “deracinated strangers.” That means the answer to how we ought to live is not going to be “by the whims of alien oligarchs and their managers.” Whatever the answer, it will come with a broom that sweeps clean.
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