Note: There is a new post up on Taki about the emerging gyno-fascism and I have a new post behind the green door about what escapism is like in Wokanda.
One consequence of the Trump victory in 2016 was that many people were reassured that reform was still possible. Trump was an imperfect vessel for a reform movement, but he was just the guy to shake things up. He would be both a warning to the establishment and a catalyst for reform. The last four years proved that to be a false dawn, but people had hope for the 2020 election. The rigged election has probably put that idea to bed for most white people.
The question now is where do we go from here? If the Republican Party is a waste of energy and the Democrats are now the anti-white party, conventional politics looks like a pointless exercise. One way out of that is to either create a new party that transcends the GOP as the opposition or infiltrate the Republican party. The former solution is the dreaded third-party route and the latter is the “reform within” approach. Chris Roberts at American Renaissance points out that neither is a new idea.
Taking over the GOP has proven to be impossible for the same reason reforming Washington has proven to be impossible. If you have a leadership that is so corrupt it needs reform forced upon them, you have a leadership that is so corrupt they will find a way to thwart reform. It’s like forcing a lion to be vegan. It is so against its nature that it will just eat the keeper, rather than accept fake food. This has been the case for the Republican Party going back to Pat Buchanan.
The third-party route has the same problem. The system has been designed to prevent outside challenges. Both establishment parties take turns playing the loyal opposition, so that discontent with official policy is funneled into one side or the other. That way the discontent is recycled as fuel for the establishment. Generations of conditioning have made white people hostile to third parties. Even if a third party were to succeed, they would face what Trump faced as a reformer in Washington.
Roberts suggests a third option in which people focus on narrow interests and press those interests within the system. He points to various pressure groups that have had varying degrees of success. The NRA has probably been the most successful of the groups named, because it has influence within both parties. In this model, whites can press issues like immigration or economic reform in a bipartisan way, rather than hoping to make these platforms in one political party.
This approach could be described as the Kulak option. The Kulaks were peasants at the end of the Russian Empire who owned their own land. As the revolution rolled on, the term came to mean property holder, especially those who were hesitant to support the Bolsheviks, but were also unwilling to side with the peasants. The kulaks would chastise the peasants for not supporting the revolution, but they were never completely onboard with giving up their land in service of the revolution.
In this age, the Kulaks are those who view politics merely as a way to protect their diminishing economic and social status. These are people in the upper middle-class, economically and culturally. That last bit is vital to understanding the most bourgeois class in modern America. Flattery is the mother’s milk of this group. No people need to be told they are a good boy, a very good boy more than the white professional class. It is why they recoiled at Trump’s lower-class aesthetics.
These people are willing to embrace half measures in the same way the Kulaks were willing to meet the Bolsheviks halfway. It’s not that they hate white people or the cause of white people. It’s that they think it is icky to be seen on the same stage as people who shop at Walmart. This is the group that first fell for using grimy canvas sacks to tote their groceries and now wear their mask while driving their foreign sedan. For them, moderation in politics is a moral signifier.
This is where single issue politics comes into play. Some of these people can get behind immigration reform, not for racial reasons but for fairness reasons. It is unfair to current immigrants to leave the spigot open. They can back tough trade policy, because globalism is bad for minorities. Many of these people supported Trump as a social statement, but abandoned him in 2020 as a social statement. Like the Kulaks, they could not fully support the forces of change.
What this means is the people with the money to fund a reform movement will always want a firm hand on the leash. This is why the Republican Party is never willing to press their advantage or follow through with their promises. The people who they rely upon for funding resist anything that puts their interests at risk, but mostly they resist anything that offends their elevated sense of self. As a result, their politics are ceremonial. It is about where you stand on the stage, rather than what you do on it.
Of course, the dissident project is about bringing people over the great divide and part of that journey is the realization that dissidents are the radicals now. The people calling themselves radicals are just deluded tools of the establishment. Antifa and BLM should have corporate sponsors on their outfits like sports teams. The real radicals are those standing outside the prevailing moral and civic orthodoxy, questioning the very basics of the liberal democratic project.
Like those old Bolsheviks, who courted support from the Kulaks, and their urban analogs the intellects, dissidents need to appeal to upper middle-class whites in order to advance the cause. Because this group responds primarily to symbolism and moral signifiers, the appeal can and must be superficial. It is a means to an end. They want to be part of something that promises change, but never threatens their position. In time, they will be forced to choose or the choice will be made for them.
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