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One of the things about the modern age is that the public statements from the centers of cultural production and the institutions are often contradictory. The most obvious are the statements about “defending democracy” which almost always come when an election goes against the beautiful people. Their preferred candidate or party loses and all of a sudden, the democratic result is declared a threat to democracy. It happens so often now that people no longer bother to laugh at it.
There are these sorts of contradictions everywhere. For example, our betters continue to use the language of rights to define society. Even the most fevered social justice fanatic would not say the government should assign you a mate. You get to decide who you date and who you will marry. On the other hand, if a group of white people start a club and say it is for European people, the full force of the managerial state will come down on them for exercising their right to free association.
You see this with the people we call the left. Every once in a while, one of them will write a confession piece about how they have no black friends. In fact, it is rare for a white progressive to have any association with nonwhites. One of the amusing truths of this age is that the whiter or blacker a congressional district, the more likely the representative is to be a kook. Black districts select hilariously insane black politicians, and all white districts get the hardest thumping lefties.
The lived experience of white progressives is closer to the dreamed of life of white nationalists, but the progressive sees no contradiction. You see, they have a right to live where they like and among whom they like. At the same time, they can wag their boney finger at you for your whiteness, even if you live as a minority in a majority diverse part of the country. You see, there is no hypocrisy as they are just exercising their right to live where they choose to live.
What this gets to is a central paradox of progressivism. An individual has rights, including the right to be free of discrimination. These are contradictory assertions as the only way to prevent discrimination is to infringe on individual rights. If one is to be free of discrimination then it means forcing everyone else to act in ways they otherwise would not act, as in not associating with someone. Your right to not associate with a potential employee must yield to her right to not be oppressed.
Within the progressive morality is a paradox. An individual has rights that must be respected, as in the dating example. Two individuals or three individuals also have these same rights. At some point, there are a number of individuals that flip from judging them as individuals to judging them as a group. The person renting a room in their home can discriminate as they please, but if that landlord is operating a rental property, they must abide by the codes governing group behavior.
At what point does a collection of individuals become a group? If one white person can exercise his right to free association, how many white people constitutes a group and therefore they lose their right to free association? This is the paradox. There is a number at which a collection of white people loses their rights and fall under the supervision of the moral authorities. The trouble is the number cannot be defined, which is a form of Sorites paradox.
This is the paradox where you start with grains of rice. You start placing grains on a table and they remain some number of grains until at some point you have enough grains to declare it is a pile of rice. Logically, there is a number where you go from a collection of grains to a pile, but it is impossible to define the number. You can arbitrarily decide it is one hundred grains or one million grains, but there is no mathematical proof that locates the exact number.
We see the same thing with the progressive view of rights and responsibilities. At some point, a collection of individuals becomes a group and therefore they transition from the rules judging individuals to the rules judging groups. A solitary white man has a right to associate with whom he chooses but get enough white guys together and at some point, they lose their individual rights in favor of group responsibility. The number must exist, but no one bothers to define it.
This works in reverse, as well. Progressives have long argued that whites as a group owe blacks, as a group, reparations for slavery. California has been debating such a scheme for years. The trouble comes when the white plumber is told he has to send money to the black sports star. Collectively the morality of reparations is somewhat justifiable, but once it is applied individually it becomes an abomination. In theory there lies a middle ground, but no one can define it.
The source of this paradox is the fact that the progressive moral framework starts with the group and works backward. Since the Greeks, people have worked the problem in reverse by starting with the rights and obligations of the individual. This meant carving out a well-defined space where the individual is free to act as he sees fit. In old Norse, for example, there was a word for private habits and a word for public habits because it was understood there was a clear line between the two.
In fact, an individual’s obligations to the group were all within the context of what is best for the group, which was always tied to group survival. There was no collective moral purpose, only a collective practical purpose. Socrates did not flee Athens because it would bring shame to his family or to Athens. He remained and faced his punishment because it was good for Socrates the individual. He upheld Athenian law, even if it meant death, because it was his duty to the survival of the whole.
For a long time, since before Gettysburg, progressives have determined that there is a moral purpose to America as a collective entity. Therefore, everyone as an American has an individual duty to further that collective moral purpose. Since the good of the many must outweigh the good of the individual, the moral purpose of society must inevitably chip away at individual rights. Thus, this paradox we see with regards to rights slowly gives way to collective morality.
In a way, the hyper-moralization of mass culture and the transformation of the state into an explicitly moral structure, is an effort to resolve the contradiction. If the point of America is to impose a new moral order on the world, then it must follow that the point of being an American is to dedicate your life to that cause. Individual rights, which imply choice, must fall away in favor of universal moral duties. In this new paradigm, the Bill of Rights becomes the bill of moral duties.
Theocracies have a poor history primarily because men are not angels. This means the moral authorities must either accept something less than the ideal outcome or exhaust themselves making the people comply. This is why our mass culture sounds like a deranged church choir. The ruling class cares far more about you having only the right thoughts in your head than making sure Boeing builds safe planes. At some point, practical necessity requires the people to overthrow the priests.
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