Imagine a candidate for president who was a popular governor of a big state with an impressive list of accomplishments. He cut taxes, took on the education rackets, ended affirmative action in state hiring, cut government jobs. On top of that he was a cutting edge leader in the fight to defend your right to bear arms. In the present crisis, you might say such a candidate would be a blessed relief. That is the sort of guy the system needs right now to restore order!
Of course, that governor was Jeb Bush. It has been a long time since anyone had a reason to care about Jeb. Most people now remember him for meekly saying “please clap” at a New Hampshire campaign event. It could also be Scott Walker, the former governor of Wisconsin, who also flamed out in 2016. For that matter, it could also be George W. Bush, who had a solid run as governor of Texas. He turned out to be the worst president in American history.
Those old enough to remember the Cold War will also remember when people said that the best candidates were governors or generals. The reason was that they had real world experience managing large complex organizations. As candidate, they could speak to people with an air of authority. Legislators, in contrast, always sound like members of committee. Governors, of course, had practice working with legislatures as an executive, which is good training for president.
People no longer think governors are good candidates. In the 2016 primary, Trump had little trouble with the governors. Ted Cruz and Marco Rubio, both sitting senators, gave him the most trouble. In this cycle the governors will have a tough time of it if they manage to even get out of the gate. DeSantis is the only one with any traction and he is more of a meme right now than a real candidate. Given what is happening, he may do the smart thing and not bother to run.
The reason that governors have lost their appeal is that the voters liked governors when the big issues were not in question. During the Cold War, there was a ruling consensus that controlled both factions of Washington. They agreed on the big things, but disagreed a tiny bit on the small things. Therefore, the standard for president was someone who could be a steady hand on the tiller. The ship was mostly fine and the course was decided. We just needed a good captain.
When the Cold War ended, that consensus ended too. There was a void at the center of American politics, so people were left to cast around for someone to fill it. Bill Clinton was the new generation, the embodiment of the Kennedy quote. Then it was George Bush with his new brand of conservatism, which quickly turned into a messianic vision for reordering the world. Then we got Obama and his post-racial message, which ended with the beginnings of a race war.
This is why Trump won in 2016 and why Biden won in 2020. Trump came to symbolize the frustrations of white people after two decades of abuse by elites. He was a clenched fist aimed at the jaw of Washington. Biden, of course, was the answer, a moral nullity, as well as a husk of man. He was selected by Washington because he was the best defense against the mobs and their Trump fist. In both cases, the candidates were merely instruments, rather than genuine candidates.
It is why DeSantis has no chance against Trump. A moderate Republican governor with a solidly conservative record would have been ideal in 1992. He may have been a good choice in 2012. After all, Romney came close to knocking off Obama. In this age of madness, no one is looking for the steady hand, because the ship is on fire and being boarded by savages. What people want is a warrior that strikes fear in the heart of the enemy, even if they do not realize it.
Donald Trump, of course, is not that warrior. He has always been a civic nationalist, who trusts the system. Events, however, have cast him in the role, which is why he has struggled to find his footing. On the one hand, his supporters want him to burn it all down and on the other hand, his opponents act like he is trying to burn it all down, while he is desperately trying to make a deal to keep it from burning down. He bounces between the two poles, enraging both camps.
Men who have been to prison say that they became different men at the moment they heard the cell door close the first time. Anyone who has been inside a courtroom knows that even with the best results, it is a transformative experience. You are subjected to the pure power of the state. It is where the power of the state is clear. One has to wonder if Donald Trump, standing in a Manhattan courtroom today, facing life in prison, will have such a transformation.
Even if he is too old to see it or too afraid to acknowledge it, the spectacle itself is opening the eyes of many people. This is not about Trump, but about a system that no longer works as intended. Instead, it has become a weapon in the hands of bitter, deranged fanatics. A system that can so easily be perverted to destructive ends is no longer worth defending. That is the new consensus forming up as we see the system destroy itself in these rage panics.
It is tempting to dismiss it, but look at the comments in this Army video. The strongest supporters of the military now fill the comments with derogatory messages. Sure, many of those negative comments are probably from goofballs with free time, but most are normal people stating what is now said among white people every day. The last trusted institution is now an object of ridicule. The core support for the military is now in collapse, because the system itself is in collapse.
The lesson of 2016 was that the time for moderate men with moderate views like Jeb Bush or Scott Walker had passed. The end of the Cold War brought the end to the Cold War political consensus. What is needed is a new consensus and that is made by immoderate men. If that fails, then it is made by those who survive the even less moderate mobs who clear the field of the moderate men. Today’s events are just another step along that path.
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